William Gallacher

William Gallacher

William Gallacher was born in Paisley, Scotland, on 25th December, 1881. After being educated at the local elementary school Gallacher found work as a brass fitter.

Gallacher worked closely with other socialists in Glasgow including David Kirkwood, John Wheatley, James Maxton, Emanuel Shinwell, John Muir, Tom Johnston, Jimmie Stewart, Neil Maclean, George Hardie, George Buchanan and James Welsh.

Gallacher, like other left-wing figures from this period such as Keir Hardie, Bob Stewart, Ben Tillett, J. T. Murphy, George Howell, Philip Snowden, Ethel Snowden, Will Crooks, Arthur Henderson and Henry Snell, became active in the Temperance Movement. Both his father and elder brother were alcholics. He remained a lifelong teetotaller. As Francis Beckett has pointed out in his book, Enemy Within (1995): "They not only abstained all their lives, but saw abstaining from alcohol as part of their socialism."

Gallacher was a member of the Independent Labour Party before joining the Social Democratic Federation, where he became a close friend of John Maclean and John R. Campbell. Later he joined the British Socialist Party.

Gallacher was opposed to Britain becoming involved in the First World War and was president of the Clyde Workers' Committee and organisation that had been formed to campaign against the Munitions Act, which forbade engineers from leaving the works where they were employed. David Lloyd George and Arthur Henderson met Gallacher and the CWC Committee in Glasgow but they were unwilling to back down on the issue.

In February 1916 the Clyde Workers' Committee became involved in a dispute at Beardmores Munitions Works in Parkhead. The government claimed that the strike was a ploy by the CWC to prevent the manufacture of munitions and therefore to harm the war effort. On 25th March, Arthur McManus, David Kirkwood and other members of the CWC were arrested by the authorities. Sir Frederick Smith was the prosecutor. Tom Bell argued that: "It is doubtful if a more spiteful, hateful enemy of the workers ever existed... he threatened to send them to the front to be shot." The men were eventually court-martialled and sentenced to be deported from Glasgow to Edinburgh. The men lived with John Clarke until they could find other accommodation.

In 1916 the Clyde Workers' Committee journal, The Worker, was prosecuted under the Defence of the Realm Act for an article criticizing the war. Gallacher and John Muir, the editor were both found guilty and sent to prison. Gallacher for six months and Muir for a year.

After the war Gallacher was involved in the struggle for a 40 hour week. The police broke up an open air trade union meeting at George Square on 31st January, 1919. The leaders of the union were then arrested and charged with "instigating and inciting large crowds of persons to form part of a riotous mob". Gallacher was sentenced to five months and Emanuel Shinwell got three months. The other ten were found not guilty.

In April 1920, Tom Bell, Willie Paul, Arthur McManus, Harry Pollitt, Rajani Palme Dutt, Helen Crawfurd, A. J. Cook, Albert Inkpin, Arthur Horner, J. Murphy, John R. Campbell, Bob Stewart and Robin Page Arnot joined forces to establish the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). McManus was elected as the party's first chairman and Bell and Pollitt became the party's first full-time workers.

Willie Paul argued strongly against the strategy suggested by Lenin that the CPGB should develop a close-relationship with the Labour Party. "We of the Communist Unity Group feel our defeat on the question of Labour Party affiliation very keenly. But we intend to loyally abide by the decision of the rank and file convention... The comrades who voted in favour of the Labour Party were undoubtedly influenced by the arguments put forth on this question by Lenin, Radek, and many other Russian Communists. We believe that these heroic comrades, in urging Labour Party affiliation, have erred on a question of tactics. But we frankly admit that the very fact that Lenin, Radek, Bukharin, and the others advise such a policy is a very good reason why a number of delegates thought we were perhaps in the wrong."

Gallacher was also opposed to affiliation with the Labour Party. However, he changed his mind after meeting Lenin in Moscow. He later recalled: "It was on... the conception of the Party that the genius of Lenin had expressed itself... Before I left Moscow, I had an interview with Lenin during which he asked me three questions. Do you admit you were wrong on the question of Parliament and affiliation to the Labour Party? Will you join the CP when you return? Will you do your best to persuade your Scottish comrades to join it? To each of these questions I answered yes."

Gallacher joined the Communist Party and attempted to be elected to the House of Commons at Dundee (1922 and 1923). On 4th August 1925, William Gallacher, Tom Bell, Jack Murphy, Wal Hannington, Ernie Cant, Tom Wintringham, Harry Pollitt, Albert Inkpin, Arthur McManus, William Rust, Robin Page Arnot and John Campbell were arrested for being members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and charged with violation of the Mutiny Act of 1797.

John Campbell later wrote: "The Government was wise enough not to rest its case on the activity of the accused in organising resistance to wage cuts, but on their dissemination of “seditious” communist literature, (particularly the resolutions of the Communist International), their speeches, and occasional articles. Campbell, Gallacher and Pollitt defended themselves. Five of the prisoners who had previous convictions, Gallacher, Hannington, Inkpin, Pollitt and Rust, were sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment and the others (after rejecting the Judge’s offer that they could go free if they renounced their political activity) were sentenced to six months." It was believed that this was a deliberate action of the government to weaken the labour movement in preparation for the impending General Strike.

At the time of the General Strike in 1926 the Communist Party had 10,730 members. In 1929 Harry Pollitt was elected as General Secretary of the CPGB. In 1931 General Election the Communist Party won only 74,824 votes and membership of the party fell to 6,000. However, in 1935 General Election William Gallacher was elected for West Fife, after defeating William Adamson by 593 votes.

Harry Pollitt was a loyal supporter of Joseph Stalin in his attempts to purge the followers of Leon Trotsky in the Soviet Union. In the Daily Worker on 12th March, 1936 Pollitt argued that the proposed trial of Lev Kamenev, Gregory Zinoviev, Ivan Smirnov and thirteen other party members who had been critical of Stalin represented "a new triumph in the history of progress". Later that year all sixteen men were found guilty and executed.

Gallacher went to Moscow to express his concerns about the Great Purge. He went to see Georgi Dimitrov who told him: "Comrade Gallacher, it is best that you do not pursue these matters." Gallacher took this advice and remained a staunch Stalinist. He told his family that "not speaking the language and being shepherded about everywhere, it was hard to know what was really going on."

In 1936 Gallacher joined members of the Labour Party such as Ellen Wilkinson, Stafford Cripps, Aneurin Bevan and Charles Trevelyan in arguing for giving military help to the Spanish Popular Front government fighting for survival against General Francisco Franco and his right-wing Nationalist Army. He later wrote in The Chosen Few (1940): "Then, after visiting the American section, we came back to our own lads. All of them came outside and formed a semicircle, and there, with as my background the graves of the boys who had fallen, I made a short speech. It was good to speak under such circumstances, but it was the hardest task I have ever undertaken. When I finished we sang the Internationale with a spirit that all the murderous savagery of fascism can never kill."

Gallacher was against appeasement. In a speech he made in the House of Commons on 28th September 1938 he argued: "The Chancellor of the Exchequer, after Prague was invaded, told the House that the Government had no knowledge that Hitler was going to invade Prague, despite the fact that on 6th March the Daily Worker published an interview which stated that every public man in Prague expected Hitler to march in on 15th March. Yet the Government knew nothing about it."

Gallacher remained a loyal supporter of the Soviet Union. However, in September 1939 Harry Pollitt welcomed the British declaration of war on Nazi Germany. Joseph Stalinwas furious with Pollitt's statement as the previous month he had signed the Soviet-Nazi Pact with Adolf Hitler.

At a meeting of the Central Committee on 2nd October 1939, Rajani Palme Dutt demanded "acceptance of the (new Soviet line) by the members of the Central Committee on the basis of conviction". He added: "Every responsible position in the Party must be occupied by a determined fighter for the line." Bob Stewart disagreed and mocked "these sledgehammer demands for whole-hearted convictions and solid and hardened, tempered Bolshevism and all this bloody kind of stuff."

Gallacher agreed with Stewart: "I have never... at this Central Committee listened to a more unscrupulous and opportunist speech than has been made by Comrade Dutt... and I have never had in all my experience in the Party such evidence of mean, despicable disloyalty to comrades." Harry Pollitt joined in the attack: "Please remember, Comrade Dutt, you won't intimidate me by that language. I was in the movement practically before you were born, and will be in the revolutionary movement a long time after some of you are forgotten."

John R. Campbell, the editor of the Daily Worker, thought the Comintern was placing the CPGB in an absurd position. "We started by saying we had an interest in the defeat of the Nazis, we must now recognise that our prime interest in the defeat of France and Great Britain... We have to eat everything we have said."

Harry Pollitt then made a passionate speech about his unwillingness to change his views on the invasion of Poland: "I believe in the long run it will do this Party very great harm... I don't envy the comrades who can so lightly in the space of a week... go from one political conviction to another... I am ashamed of the lack of feeling, the lack of response that this struggle of the Polish people has aroused in our leadership."

However, when the vote was taken, only Gallacher, Harry Pollitt and John R. Campbell voted against. Pollitt was forced to resign as General Secretary and he was replaced by Rajani Palme Dutt and William Rust took over Campbell's job as editor of the Daily Worker. Over the next few weeks the newspaper demanded that Neville Chamberlain respond to Hitler's peace overtures.

On 22nd June 1941 Germany invaded the Soviet Union. That night Winston Churchill said: "We shall give whatever help we can to Russia." The CPGB immediately announced full support for the war and brought back Harry Pollitt as general secretary. Membership increased dramatically from 15,570 in 1938 to 56,000 in 1942.

Gallacher and his wife lost their two children in infancy. Later they adopted his brother's two sons after his death. Both boys were killed in action during the Second World War.

Gallacher was elected to represent East Fife in the 1945 General Election. Another member of the Communist Party, Phil Piratin, was elected to represent Stepney. Piratin later recalled: "Gallacher was the straightest man in the world, we were like father and son." He was asked how the relationship worked: "It's quite simple: there are two of us and Gallacher is the elder, and therefore I automatically moved and he seconded that he should be the leader. He then appointed me as Chief Whip. Comrade Gallacher decides the policy and I make sure he carries it out."

In the House of Commons Gallacher and Piratin associated with a group of left-wing members that included John Platts-Mills, Konni Zilliacus, Lester Hutchinson, Ian Mikardo, Barbara Castle, Sydney Silverman, Geoffrey Bing, Emrys Hughes, D. N. Pritt, Leslie Solley and William Warbey.

Gallacher's opposition to the Cold War and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) made him an unpopular figure in post-war England and he was defeated when he stood in the 1950 General Election. Gallacher remained in politics and served as President of the Communist Party between 1956 and 1963.

William Gallacher died on 12th August 1965.

The Worker, the organ of the Clyde Workers' Committee, came out with an article against those violent extremists who proposed to use force to stop the War. It ridiculed the idea.

The military people, who by this time had gone daft, read the article as an incitement to the use of force. My old friend, John W. Muir, the editor; Walter Bell, the, printer; and William Gallacher, the President of the Committee, were arrested.

John Muir was charged with having written the article. He did not write it nor did either of the other two arrested men. The man who wrote the article was married and had a family of five children. John Muir was unmarried. He accepted the responsibility. There were only three persons who knew the author - John Wheatley, Rosslyn Mitchell, and myself. It was suggested that Muir should reveal the secret. He refused, saying : " Some one is going to jail for this because the Military has read it the wrong way. If ---- goes, there will be seven sufferers. If I go, there is only one, so I am going."

The trial was fought to the last word. But there had been found in the office of the paper copies of an Irish paper containing a foolish and flaming article by the Countess Markowitz. Great play was made of these papers. "You see what sort of literature this man harbours." The jury returned a verdict of Guilty. John Muir was sent to prison for twelve months, Gallacher for six, and Walter Bell for three.

Many years later John Muir was elected to Parliament and became Under-Secretary to the Ministry of Pensions. To the day of his death he never by word or suggestion went back on his word, nor did the others who knew his secret.

William Gallacher has been chairman of the Clyde Workers' Committee since its formation in 1915. To understand what that means I must try to explain the Shop Steward Movement, or the "unofficial" movement as it is now commonly called in Glasgow. It seems to be a movement within a movement, a system of workshop committees within the existing trade unions. It is an attempt to capture the trade union movement for the workers, to take it out of politics and bring it back home. Its leaders attack the trades union system not only because it separates the workers into 100 different unions but also because its unit is the branch, (i.e., all the members who live in a certain area irrespective of where they work) instead of the workshop. They would apply the Soviet idea now to trades-union organization, making a small number of workers (15 to 200) in a certain shop of one plant the unit, and one of their number, called a shop steward, elected and recalled at any time, the representative. The stewards in each shop form a shop-committee. There is a convener of shop stewards for the whole plant, and a plant committee on which each shop committee is represented. From these various plant committees a local workers' committee is chosen, such as the Clyde Workers' Committee, of which Gallacher is chairman.

Sheffield and Coventry also have local workers' committees, and others are just about to be formed. But these committees, designed of course to represent all the industries of a district, actually represent so far only the engineering, shipbuilding and kindred trades. And the further development of the scheme by the formation of national industrial committees, and a single national workers' committee elected from these, is as yet only sketched in the literature of the movement.

The shop steward idea offers a radically new plan of representation for the labor movement; the unit of production is made the unit of representation, and it is kept small enough so that there can come no separation between the leaders and the rank and file. There is nothing revolutionary about this; in fact many employers strongly favor the formation of shop committees because they obviate the necessity of dealing with outside trade union officials. But the revolutionary purpose is clear in the minds of the founders of the movement; it aims at establishing industrial unionism ad workers' control just as definitely as the I.W.W. And the machinery of representation lends itself to revolutionary activity. Moreover it gives the workers a strong weapon for organized defiance of the trade union leaders when they prove false, and for forcing their hands if they go too slow.

At the Central Police Station some of my friends were also being charged. Willie Gallagher was there, despite the fact that he had actually been given police protection so that he could bawl out to the crowd: "March off, for God's sake." David Kirkwood had also been arrested. He was excitable but was really a peaceable soul and had, as a matter of fact, been hit on the head by a policeman almost as soon as he ran down the steps of the City Chambers, being attacked from the back as he raised his hand to quieten the crowd. That might not have meant his discharge at the subsequent trial except for the lucky fact that a press photographer took a picture of the policeman's baton raised and Kirkwood collapsing - evidence which, of course, meant his dismissal from the case when the picture was exhibited.

I had 3 meetings in Fifeshire which, the local comrades were good enough to tell me, were successful, but there was a strong Catholic opposition. I understand that Gallacher's meetings in his constituency, which borders Cowdenbeath, were broken up by Catholics. While I was speaking I realised the force of the opposition and its effectiveness as it was led by a local priest, who was no fool, and the secretary of the Young Catholics League... I expect the same opposition again and am naturally collecting material so that the documentation which you have sent me is distinctly useful.

Emerging from the entrance door of the City Chambers, I saw William Gallacher coming in, his face streaming with blood. I saw the police using their batons mercilessly. I did not know that the Sheriff had read the Riot Act. Stones and bottles were flying through the air; the crowds were surging this way and that, driven by policemen.

I ran out, with arms widespread, to appeal for restraint and order. Then I knew - no more. I had been struck with a baton from behind.

When I came to, I was lying in the quadrangle surrounded by police, one of whom was bandaging my wounds. News flies quickly.

My first thought was to ask John Muir to go to my wife to tell her I was all right. He went at once, but before he arrived my wife had already been told that I had been killed.

During the election campaign my opponents, when devoid of all other arguments, always fell back on the following: "Don't vote for Gallacher. If he is returned, he'll be all alone and helpless. One man can do nothing. You'll simply be throwing away your vote." Such an argument, coming from those who were wont to brag of Keir Hardie and the work he accomplished single-handed, represented no actual judgment of the qualities or capabilities of a representative of the Communist Party; it was a desperate attempt to retrieve a weakening position. Nevertheless, it is a very fair criticism of the type of candidate that, in many cases, these very same people are most anxious to support.

On this side of the House we represent and speak for the workers of this country, the men who toil and sweat. (Hon. Members: "So do we.") Oh! You do speak for the workers, do you? (Hon. Members: "Yes.") All right. We shall see. The leader of the miners says that theirs is the hardest, most dangerous and poorest paid job in the country. Is there anybody who will deny it? The miners make a demand. They ballot for it, and the ballot is a record, and we who speak for and on behalf of the miners demand an increase of 2s. a day for the miners. We demanded it from these benches. Now it is your turn. Speak now. Speak, you who claim to represent the workers. We say not a penny for armaments. It is a crime against the people to spend another penny on armaments. Every penny we can get should go in wages for the miners, towards the health and well-being of the mothers and the children and adequate pensions for the aged and infirm. Ten shillings a week. I would like the Noble Lady (Lady Astor) to receive only 10s. and then she would change her tune. Last night the Chancellor of the Exchequer was meeting some friends, and they were having a dinner, the cost of which was 35s. per head. Thirty-five shillings per head for a dinner, and 10s. a week for an aged man or woman who has given real service to this country and has worked in a factory or mine.

We require every penny we can get in order to make life better for the working class. If the £7,000,000,000 which we spent during the War in ruin and destruction had been spent in making life brighter and better for the people of this country what a difference it would have made.

I would make an earnest appeal to those honourable members of the House who have not yet become case-hardened in iniquity. The National Government are travelling the road of 1914, which will surely lead to another and more terrible war, and to the destruction of civilisation. Are honourable members s going to follow them down that road?

The party which is represented on these benches, from which, at the present moment, I am an outcast, has set itself a task of an entirely different character, that of travelling along the road of peace and progress and of spending all that can be spent in making life higher and better for all. We invite those of you who are prepared to put service to a great cause before blind leadership of miserable pygmies who are giving a pitiful exhibition by masquerading as giants, to put first service to a great cause, not to a National Government such as is presented before us, but to a Labour Government drawing towards itself all the very best and most active and progressive elements from all parties and constituting itself, as a consequence, a real people's Government concerned with the complete reconstruction of this country, with genuine co-operation with the other peace nations for preserving world peace, and a Government that follows the road of peace and progress.

I make an appeal even while I give a warning. Do not try to stop us on the road along which we are travelling. Do not try to block the road by the meshes of legal entanglements or by fascist methods."

Around Easter, 1937, I paid a visit to Spain to see the lads of the British Battalion of the International Brigade. Going up the hillside towards the trenches with Fred Copeman, we could occasionally hear the dull boom of a trench mortar, but more often the eerie whistle of a rifle bullet overhead. Always I felt inclined to get my head down in my shoulders. "I don't like that sound," I said by way of an apology.

"It's all right, Willie, as long as you can hear them,"

I was told. "It's the ones you can't hear that do the damage."

We got into the trenches and I passed along chatting to the boys in the line. From the British we passed into the Spanish trenches and gave the lads there the peoples' front salute. Then, after visiting the American section, we came back to our own lads. When I finished we sang the Internationale with a spirit that all the murderous savagery of fascism can never kill.

The following morning I went into the breakfast room of the Hotel in Madrid to see Herbert Gline, an American working in the Madrid radio station, about a broadcast to America from the Lincoln Battalion. When I got in who should be sitting there but Ellen Wilkinson, Eleanor Rathbone and the Duchess of Atholl. We had a very friendly chat, and I was fortunate in getting their company part of the way home. But whether in Madrid while the shells were falling or in face of the many difficulties that were inseparable from travelling in a country racked with invasion and war, those three women gave an example of courage and endurance that was beyond all praise.

William Gallacher, Communist MP lived through some of the most vivid hours of all his life of struggle yesterday and today, when he visited comrades in the front-line trenches on the central front.

The news that Gallacher was in the trenches roused scenes of enthusiasm like those seen when Pollitt visited the comrades. It is easy enough to describe how the men of that battalion greeted Gallacher, how they cheered and how they sang the International. What is not so easy to describe or to make real to you who are reading this a long way off is just what that enthusiasm, that cheering and that singing means when it is done by men who have endured what these men have endured in their struggle for the independence of Spain and the freedom of Europe.

I cannot tell you in detail the story of these men's struggle during the past week, because that would amount to giving information to the enemy.

I can only tell you that among all those who have fought here side by side with their Spanish comrades during the battles and the long, wearisome vigils of the past seventy days, there are none who have surpassed the heroism of the men who yesterday and today greeted Gallacher with a spirit which even he had no words to describe.

I suppose Gallacher has seen in his life as many examples of heroism as any living man. He told me that in all his life he had never seen anything to surpass what he saw in those trenches on his visit there yesterday.

It is no exaggeration to say that many prominent representatives of the Conservative Party, speaking for powerful landed and financial interests in the country, would welcome Hitler and the German Army if they believed that such was the only alternative to the establishment of Socialism in this country.

Their blatant and noisy approval of German and Italian ferocity and frightfulness in Spain, and their utter lack of concern for the sinking of British ships and the sacrifice of British lives, provides abundant proof of this contention.

The Nazis knew that in all capitalist countries there were men such as these ready to betray their own people, if by that means they could save their own property and privilege.

The first indication we got of the policy that led to Munich was in a speech by a young gentleman named Lennox-Boyd, M. P. for Mid-Bedfordshire. Until his elevation to Ministerial office, Mr. Lennox-Boyd had been a member of the notorious pro-Franco propaganda organisation, the Friends of National Spain.

This gentleman had been one of Mr. Chamberlain's first Back Bench selections for a Government post. The only reason anyone could see for his appointment as assistant to the Minister of Labour was his ferocious hatred of the democratic. Government of Spain and his open expression of brutal glee at every advance of its German, Italian and Franco enemies. He was chosen because he had all the qualities and all the connections of a good fifth-column supporter. It was from this pro-fascist junior Minister we got the first statement of policy on Czechoslovakia. In a speech delivered at Biggleswade, to the local Conservative organisation, he informed his audience and the country as a whole that the Prime Minister had no intention of doing anything to defend Czechoslovakia.

This declaration of policy created a sensation in the Press and in the country and was immediately made the subject of a question in the House of Commons. The Prime Minister smilingly said that his young friend had probably allowed his feelings to carry him away, but that he was only stating his own opinion and was not claiming to put the policy of the Government.

He treated the matter in the most casual manner, and unfortunately, after Mr. Lennox-Boyd had made an apology for what he claimed was an "indiscretion," the House of Commons allowed the matter to drop.

I am absolutely opposed to this idea of Parliament being out of session and the Prime Minister carrying on negotiations and then calling Parliament together. The attitude of Members supporting the Prime Minister is an evidence of what we can drift into. He has a whole crowd of supporters who would be quite prepared to come to the House periodically and, whatever the Prime Minister put before them, they would give their assent and depart.

The exhibition that was given while the Honourable Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Mander) was speaking is an indication that you have Members here who are better suited for the Reichstag, who would come in when the Prime Minister wants them and go out when he does not. When the Prime Minister spoke about Austria being invaded while the House was in session, the friends of Ribbentrop, who associated with the Cliveden gang, had already been busy on the job. Everything was covered up until the last moment. It was the same with Prague.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, after Prague was invaded, told the House that the Government had no knowledge that Hitler was going to invade Prague, despite the fact that on 6th March the Daily Worker published an interview which stated that every public man in Prague expected Hitler to march in on 15th March. Yet the Government knew nothing about it. We have the finest Secret Service in the world.

Efforts have been made by enemies of the Soviet Union to associate the Non-Aggression Pact with the invasion of Poland. Nothing could be further from the truth. Poland was betrayed when Colonel Beck, supported by Chamberlain and Daladier, refused the aid of the Red Army. There was no other means in this world of saving Poland. Hitler had an army over a million strong in East Prussia and along the Polish frontier, a great mechanised army, capable of carrying through the encirclement of Warsaw. The only possible way to stop such a movement was for two great Soviet armies to move into Poland, one from the north-west towards East Prussia, the other from the south- west towards Cracow. With such a deployment, Warsaw and all Poland would have been safe.

Portland Winterhawks parent company files bankruptcy

Portland Winterhawks Inc., the company that owns Portland’s long-time junior league hockey team, filed bankruptcy Thursday six weeks after the Western Hockey League canceled its playoffs due to the coronavirus.

Winterhawks owner William Gallacher allegedly failed to repay money his companies had borrowed in 2018. The lender, Bridging Financing, went to court in Toronto earlier this month and claims it took control of several Gallacher’s companies, including the hockey team.

A court-appointed receiver is now in charge. Portland Winterhawks Inc. and several other Gallacher companies filed Chapter 15 bankruptcy in Portland on Thursday.

A receivership could be devastating for the hockey team. The Western Hockey League can terminate a team’s ownership agreement if the franchise enters bankruptcy or is in receivership for more than 10 days.

The Winterhawks’ landlord, Rip City Management LLC, can also void the team’s lease to play in the Moda Center and Veteran’s Memorial Coliseum. Rip City Management LLC is affiliated with the Trail Blazers.

But bankrupcty documents do contain some reasons for hope for Winter Hawks fans. The receiver said he has no plans to shut down the organization, referred to in bankruptcy documents at PWH. He added that he hopes it will soon return to normal operations, or as normal as they can be in the coronavirus era.

“At present, the Receiver has no indication that PWH is in financial distress apart from its involvement in the Bridging Loan,” the receiver said in court documents. “Accordingly, the Receiver views it as important to maintain the operations of PWH and the Winterhawks’ franchise to preserve their value for the benefit of all creditors of the Debtors in the Canadian Proceeding.”

The receiver was surprised to learn that Portland Winterhawks Inc. even had money in the bank -- $146,000 with the Royal Bank of Canada.

The Winterhawks have had some great seasons in Portland, winning the league championship several times. They were atop the Western Hockey League standings in March, when the league cancelled the rest of the season due to the virus.

A long line of future NHL players have come up through the franchise, most notably perhaps long-time Chicago Blackhawk star Marian Hossa.

Gallacher, often described as an oil “mogul,” bought the Winter Hawks in 2008.

It’s unclear whether the bankruptcy and receivership will play out here in Portland or in Canada. A number of Gallacher companies, including the hockey team’s parent, filed Chapter 15 bankruptcies. Chapter 15 is a relatively new type of bankruptcy filing for insolvency cases where the debtor’s interests are in more than one country.

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--> Gallacher, William

Born in Paisley, Great Britain 1881, died in Paisley 1965 working class agitator and politician joined the Social Democratic Federation in 1906 supported the tactics of direct action during the First World War chairman of the Clyde Workers' Committee sentenced to twelve months imprisonment for sedition in 1916 turned to communism in 1920 and was one of the founders of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1920-1921 Member of Parliament from 1935 until 1950 chairman of the CPGB since 1943.

From the description of Archives 1898-1900, 1910-1994. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 83228938

William Gallacher was born in Paisley, Scotland on 25th December, 1881. He began his working life as an engineering worker and was active in the temperance movement from the early 1900s, and became involved in the socialist movement around 1906. Gallacher was opposed to Britain's involvement in the First World War and was president of the Clyde Workers' Committee an organisation that had been formed to campaign against the Munitions Act, which forbade engineers from leaving the works where they were employed. In 1916 the Clyde Workers'' Committee journal, The Worker, was prosecuted under the Defence of the Realm Act for an article criticizing the war. Gallacher was sent to prison for six months.

In 1919 Gallacher was arrested when an open air trade union meeting arguing for a 40 hour week was broken up by the police. He charged with instigating a riot and sentenced to 5 months. In 1925 he was jailed again along with 11 other leaders of the CPGB for seditious libel and incitement to mutiny.

Gallacher represented the shop stewards' movement at the 2nd Congress of the Communist International, where he was persuaded by Lenin of the need to join the newly-formed Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). He was involved in forming the Communist Labour Party, a transitional body based in Scotland, which served to bring most of the membership of the Socialist Labour Party into the CPGB in early 1921. Gallacher served on the CPGB Central Committee from 1922 to 1963, and on the Political Bureau until 1945.

Gallacher attempted to be elected to the House of Commons at Dundee (1922 and 1923), West Fife (1929 and 1931) and Shipley (1930). He was eventually elected for West Fife in 1935, he held this seat until the general election of 1950. He was Chairman of the CPGB from 1950 to 1956, and President of the party from 1956 to 1965. He published numerous pamphlets and articles, a book and several volumes of autobiography. He was an alternate member of Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) from 1924, a full member and a member of the ECCI Presidium from 1926 - 1935, and an alternate member of the Presidium from 1935 to 1943. William Gallacher died on 12th August 1965.

From the guide to the The Papers of William Gallacher (1881-1965), 1922-1966 (predominantly 1940s-1960s), (Labour History Archive and Study Centre)

William Gallacher - History

William (Willie) Gallacher born in Paisley, Great Britain 1881, died in Paisley 1965 working class agitator and politician engineering worker who became involved in the socialist movement in 1905 joined the British Independent Labour Party (ILP), but shortly after he switched to the Marxist Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in 1906 supported the tactics of direct action active member of his trade union, the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) during the First World War he was one of the leaders in the Clydeside popular movements like the Rent Strike, the Munitions Strike, the 40-hours Strike and the Unemployed Demonstrations sentenced to twelve months imprisonment for sedition in 1916 became chairman of the Clyde Workers' Committee one of the founders of the shop stewards' movement represented the Clyde shop stewards at the second Congress of the Communist International in Moscow in 1920, where he met Lenin who convinced him of the need for a communist party turned to communism in 1920 and was one of the founders of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1920-1921 a member of its central committee from 1922 to 1963 in 1935 he was elected MP for West Fife after six years involvement in the miner's struggles he continued to represent the constituency until 1951 member of Parliament (1935-1950) chairman of the CPGB (1943-1956) early 1950s president of the local branch of the AEU, a post which he held until 1963 author of numerous articles and pamphlets and of several volumes of his memoirs.

Photographs of William Gallacher and relatives have been transferred to the audiovisual department of the IISH.

Collection of documents from John McKay consisting of a typoscript of his biography of William (Willie) Gallacher of notes by McKay of photocopies of correspondence by Gallacher c. 1946-1965 and of photocopies of a great many periodicals, pamphlets and other printed material c. 1910-1965 used by McKay for Gallacher's biography.

The Papers of William Gallacher (1881-1965) 1922-1966 (predominantly 1940s-1960s)

The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was founded in 1920. The Party was based upon the philosophy of Karl Marx (1818-1883) and was inspired by the Russian Revolution of November 1917. The Communists believed that before long revolution would over throw Capitalism and end the exploitation of the working class. The Communist Party supported the Russian Revolution and for many years accepted Russian funds in order to spread its ideas. During the next 70 years hopes of revolution.

Gallacher, William

Epithet: of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society British Library Archives and Manuscripts Catalogue : Person : Description : ark:/81055/vdc_100000000388.0x0001fb Born in Paisley, Great Britain 1881, died in Paisley 1965 working class agitator and politician joined the Social Democratic Federation in 1906 supported the tactics of direct action during the First World War chairman of the Clyde Workers' Committee sentenced to twelve months imprisonment for sedition i.

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Willie was also a great music hall enthusiast and was delighted when Glasgow’s Panopticon theatre was restored after many years of neglect. From this interest, Willie got to know the Short family, best known through Jimmy Logan, the performer, producer and impresario. They shared an interest in Harry Lauder, subject of Jimmy’s one-man show, and Willie would hunt for Lauder memorabilia. He would visit Jimmy’s father, Jack Short, in his flat at Ibrox. Jack kept a sitting room full of theatrical memorabilia but would entertain visitors in a typical old-fashioned Glasgow kitchen.

Willie spent every weekend scouring Glasgow’s famous Paddy’s Market or, latterly, car boot sales for memorabilia of all sorts. There were countless finds over the years, but a few I remember are: A tea towel from the Glasgow Exhibition of 1901, a signed Jessie M King first edition, a Victorian fireman’s helmet inscribed to the Chief Officer on his retirement, a rare taped copy of the first broadcast of Scottish Television in 1957, and an artefact of dubious legality – a £20 note made by Thomas McAnea, aka Hologram Tam, who was once denounced as a threat to the security of the country for producing counterfeit currency from a little printing shop in Maryhill Road. Most of his finds he would give away. He corresponded with collectors all over the UK including Joe Mitchenson of the Mander and Mitchenson theatre collection and Merlin Holland, grandson of Oscar Wilde. He also became interested in military history, and was for years voluntary curator at the Royal Highland Fusiliers Museum

Willie was a warehouseman at a noted Glasgow store for most of his working life and compared himself to Glasgow folklorist Robert Ford, who had a similar apparently humdrum profession but wrote over 20 books on history, folk song and literature. However, Willie, although a fount of knowledge on Glasgow lore, was not a writer. Nevertheless, he contributed substantially to the work of others including, shortly before his death, a book on the Bridgeton Olympia by the local history society.

Willie was born in the Gorbals and lived for years in the famed Basil Spence flats at Queen Elizabeth Square. On their demolition he moved to a tenement flat in Templeton Street, beside Glasgow Green and the noted Templeton Biscuit Factory. Latterly, his mobility was impaired and he could walk only with the aid of a walking frame. Incorrigible, he refused to move from his third floor flat and made his way about town with the aid of black cabs and public transport. Employing this method he frequented the annual Christian Aid book sale in Edinburgh and even managed a day trip to Rothesay. He bemoaned the decline of the nearby Barras, but was there every weekend, claiming his slow rate of progress meant he saw even more.

His death came suddenly, after a fall outside his home from which he never regained consciousness. His departing wish was that any remaining books and collectables should be dispersed among car boot sales and charity shops so others, hopefully, could find the same pleasure in discovering them that he had found over the years.

William Gallacher

Born Dec. 25, 1881, in Paisley, Scotland died there Aug. 12, 1965. A figure in the British and international workers&rsquo movement. Born into a working-class family.

From the age of 10, Gallacher worked for hire. By trade he was a brass-founder. Beginning in his adolescent years Gallacher was an active participant in the socialist movement. He was a member of the Independent Labour Party, then of the Social Democratic Federation, and after 1911 of the British Socialist Party. Gallacher was active in the trade union movement. In 1915 he founded the Clyde Workers Committee, later the Scottish Workers Committees. During World War I (1914-18), Gallacher headed a mass movement of shop stewards in factories and plants and was one of the best known strike organizers among the Scottish shipbuilding and mine workers. He was arrested several times and sent to prison.

In 1920, Gallacher represented the industrial shop stewards&rsquo movement at the Second Congress of the Comintern in Moscow. Under the influence of V. I. Lenin, he firmly adopted Marxist views. In 1921 he entered the Communist Party of Great Britain, in the same year becoming a member of the party&rsquos Central Committee and Politburo. Gallacher was one of the organizers of the revolutionary &ldquominority movement&rdquo that arose in the English trade unions in 1924. From 1935 to 1950 he was a member of Parliament. Between 1943 and 1956 he was president of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Great Britain between 1956 and 1963, president of the party and after 1963, life honorary member of the Executive Committee of the party.

William Gallagher: Self Distract

Seriously, this is just you and me. So I can tell you with a dramatic pause. that this is the last Self Distract blog that you'll see here. (Dramatic pause.) Because from this week on, Self Distract will be way over here on

Honestly, aren't dramatic pauses rubbish? You will not see a single difference. Well, not unless you look up at the website address. Or if you look across at all the other lovely things on the new site. There's a lot to see and that's really why I'm doing this. After eight years on, I'm moving Self Distract to join in with all the other stuff I do online and make one single, big, new,

I'll talk to you about this. Probably at length. But since it is you, let me just say that the impetus was that my productivity for creative writers book, The Blank Screen, has been such a success for me that it has spawned a workshop that is touring various literary festivals, universities and possibly even prisons. That's definitely a topic for another time. The Blank Screen has had such a response that it feels it's tapped in to something good, something that I can usefully do. So as of today, there is now a Blank Screen blog that has news on productivity software deals, lots of stolen advice from clever people, and a lot of my own experience polished up and made to sound smart.

And also since it's you, I'm going to tell you that I've been secretly running that Blank Screen blog for about a month. You can now see everything: some eighty-odd posts if you really had the time and a lot of tea. The Blank Screen is a news blog with a lot of entries Self Distract is where we can chat.

It feels very strange moving Self Distract. It's like we have to find a new coffee shop. In some ways it's also very strange officially launching the new Exciting but strange. And a bit scary, if I'm honest. And when am I not honest with you? You've got that I-can-tell-you-anything face.

At one point during the testing of the new site, I had to put it live. Had to. Couldn't complete the testing without it. I put it live in a secret place, didn't tell you, didn't tell anyone, and within a few days I'd somehow gained followers to it. That was immensely, just immensely invigorating and validating. So much so that I have this terrible feeling that the new site is a huge success so long as it stays secret.

It's a shame I'm such a blabber. Now I've taken a deep breath and told you, I'm heading out into the big, wide world to tell everyone.

But while I would love for you get something from the new site, I need our little spot for chatting. And while I suppose I should shut up and let you explore the new place if you will, what I want to chat to you about is the whole of last year. When I'm asked how many people read this blog, it's easy. One. But when I lift up the lid and see what Google tells me, well, okay, you've been telling a lot of people about us. Again.

You've told enough people that I can see an actual top ten list of the most popular things we spoke about in 2013.

This one got picked up by the Writers' Guild. It's a piece about how scriptwriters sometimes think they're really writing novels so instead of saying "Brad Chap (30, witty, criminal)" they write a hundred words about his tortured backstory that we will never see and producers will never finish reading. It was also particularly personal to me because it includes a lesson I was taught by the late Alan Plater.

9. How to start writing on bad days (27 June 2013)
This became a really key section in my book The Blank Screen: Productivity for Creative Writers. Even in this slightly shorter, earlier version, it was all about those times when either you are overwhelmed with how much you have to do or, frankly, you're having such a crappy day that writing anything is an impossible mountain. If you ask me, on days like that, you're never going to read a piece about coping with days like that so it begins with a very quick, even brutal, do this and do that section. And then suggests that you read on when you're having a better day.

8. The most successful thing I've ever written (8 March 2013)
It isn't The Blank Screen, though that is heading up the charts gorgeously quickly. It isn't my Beiderbecke book, it isn't Doctor Who. It isn't actually fiction. Nor is it non-fiction. It's not even journalism. Instead, it is a Microsoft Word macro that I wrote for myself to solve a problem and it went viral across BBC Worldwide and out in to other companies. No one needs it any more so I really wrote this entry to remind myself what it was and what I did but I'm surprised how many people enjoyed it - and how many had written similar macros themselves.

7. Star Trek: Don't Give Away the Goods Too Soon (6 June 2013)
I did some work in prisons in 2013 and during the various steps of the process to get the work and get clearance to do it, I got to meet Patrice Lawrence of She's very nice but freaked me out a bit when the first thing she said was "Hello, you're right about Star Trek Into Darkness". I adored the 2009 movie: it was such an exciting ride that when Into Darkness came out, I actually took the afternoon off to go see it in a Giant Screen in 3D. Big mistake. But a fascinating one because aside from the film's biggest problem – it is a remake of an old movie and rather relies on you knowing the original for it to have any emotional punch – there were some interesting writing decisions. You completely understand why they made them, yet you also see how chopping off this multi-million-dollar scene or the other would have improved the movie.

6. Self Distract book - get off your backside and write (3 October 2013)
I regret the title now because I use Self Distract here with you and I also later made it the title of another book: "Self Distract – from Doctor Who fan to Radio Times and Big Finish". I need a new title.

But this one was possibly the biggest news of 2013 for me: it was about how my The Blank Screen book was officially on sale. It really went on sale at the Birmingham Literature Festival a few days later but I'd got my author copies then. This post was also about how I'd been particularly productive writing a book about productive writers: how an idle idea on a bus trip had become a whole book fewer than a hundred days later.

You wrecked my productivity that day: I posted this entry to you and intended to head off on a job but instead spent the entire Friday talking on twitter and Facebook about the blog and the book. I had a blast.

5. Dear diary. (11 October 2013)
I really see this as a couple of entries in one. The main point of it was that the night before I'd run my first Blank Screen workshop so naturally I was buzzing but also one of the attendees told me a great idea that I am stealing and having for my very own. You'll need to read the post to see what it is but I promise it's a good idea.

But I was also in a bit of a general buzzing tizzy because I'd also just begun leading a Writing Squad in Burton on Trent. I still do that and it's now got about a dozen school-age kids and write together once a month. Love it. I especially love it because when I was in school, I was positively discouraged from writing as a career. To see talent being encouraged and to get to contribute, it's a privilege and a joy and a so-there-see to my old school. Writing West Midlands organises many such squads: read more about them all here.

And if that But wasn't enough, I had another one. But I was also in a bit of a tizzy because around this time I'd written I'm calling from the Trib. which was one of those blog entries where something just burst out of me and I had to tell you even though I reckoned you had better things to do. It was about how I had become a writer because of a TV show called Lou Grant and I actually named the people who had created that, who had therefore made me the man I am. Before the month was out, two of those people had got in touch with me. April Smith and Seth Freeman, two names so much a part of my growing up that I can close my eyes and see their names written in the font they were on the show's credits. Do have a peek at that one: it meant a lot to me, it apparently meant quite a bit to them, and that fact meant a lot to me too. (And check out April's own website: she's now a prolific novelist and has a new book out now.)

4. Pencils vs keyboards - 2B or not 2B (4 April 2013)
This was half a muse about handwriting and notebooks but really half a piece about a little thing I did, a little piece of handwriting I did. Take a look at that post for the secret thing that I did and which I only told you about. And then let me tell you that the fella has yet to notice. (If you don't happen to nip off to read what that is all about, let me reassure you now that what I did was a nice thing. And that it was designed so that if he finds it at all, it won't be for some time.)

3. Dollars to doughnuts: the end of BBC Television Centre (22 March 2013)
I'm still too upset to talk about that closure. But I had to tell you, I had to open up to you, and I did there. Can't read it now. Too upsetting.

2. I wish I'd written Veronica Mars (15 March 2013)
I do. I always have done, right from when I first got hooked on that show and right from when it seemed I spent each year's holiday with my fingers crossed that this TV show would get renewed for another season. And certainly right from when I was crushed because it didn't. Three seasons and out, that was what we had. But I wrote about this then because, miraculously, the show is coming back. Veronica Mars is now famously a movie that was funded by Kickstarter and one reason to boom at you about it then was that I wanted you to contribute to the movie just as I did. That reminds me: I swear I didn't ask for any Kickstarter reward. Initially I specified that I didn't want anything at all, I only wanted my money to go toward getting the film made. Then I thought about it and realised that the movie might not get a big release here in the UK, so I upped my original contribution and asked for a digital download.

But I still didn't ask for anything else. So it was a surprise when a teeny-tiny Veronica Mars teeshirt arrived in the post. You will never see me wear it. My teeshirt days are gone. But if I had a meeting with you in the last two months and it was an especially cold day, you may have been in the same room as the garment and a couple of others on top of it.

Incidentally, I wrote that about Veronica Mars in March 2013 and it turns out that the film will be released in March 2014.

1. Lie to me (15 November 2013)
Head and shoulders over anything else I wrote in Self Distract in 2013, this was about lying. Specifically: if you are running a drama and you tell me spoilers about it, I want you to be lying to me. Lie to me a lot, lie to me good. The alternative is that I know everything in advance – like you do with soaps – and there are no gasps. It was a general point about how much is revealed in advance and how much that hurts dramas, but it was prompted by a particular Doctor Who issue: a story point that was quite small but if you didn't know it in advance, was rather delightfully huge and happy.

That blog entry wasn't the most popular of the year.

The actual, real, honest-to-goodness top one was actually Have you been telling people about us? from 3 January 2013. It was the one where I told you about the most popular blog posts of 2012. I can't decide if that's a good or a bad thing, but I know it's remarkable to see the figures.

A number of Willie Gallacher's manuscripts are found amongst the papers of Robin Page Arnot, a fellow leading member of the Communist Party. They include undated parts of a murder story, a western and a detective novel, the full manuscript of a western novel, The big feller (c.1950), written under the pen name of Random Scott, and several typescripts and manuscript poems, together with correspondence and other items of political interest.

Willie Gallacher was a founder member of the Communist Party of Great Britain and sat on the Executive Committee of the Communist International from the mid 1920s until his election as Member of Parliament for West Fife in 1935. He was the only Communist in parliament until Phil Piratin was elected in Mile End in 1945. He was defeated by Labour in 1950. He acted as president of the Communist Party from 1956 to 1963. He was an able journalist, pamphleteer and polemicist, and his published memoirs are well known, but he also wrote novels and poetry.


The intelligent worker will realise one thing stands out crystal clear throughout the centuries. Where there has been peace, prosperity and progress, the Jews have been able to live unmolested. Only where there has been a breakdown in society through war or economic collapse have we begun to hear of the “Jewish Danger”.

Though many similar stories may be told of the fate of other minorities, no minority has suffered so much and for so long as the Jewish minority.

As socialists we do not represent an inalienable moral code, we see ourselves as part of the forward motion of history. We build on the foundations laid by great men and women, long gone, and we plan meticulously for the prosperity of some future day, which we ourselves may never see.

One of the great crimes committed repeatedly against ordinary people is the theft of their history. The class that profits most in the present day populates the past with foreboding shadows and triumphant images of themselves, such that they may lay claims of ownership upon the future, uncontested.

When confusion and disorientation run amok, we can and should look to the body of experience laid down by those that came before. Presented below are excerpts from a publication from 1944 on anti-semitism by wartime MP and Communist, William Gallacher. What strikes me is how fresh and true these words ring today, reminding us that we must never loose sight of these principles.

This pamphlet is not some boring proclamation of dogma – it is a concise, gripping address to the ordinary man and woman. To be a socialist it is not enough to simply wrestle with the finer points of Marxist doctrine. The purpose of being a socialist is to engage in a continuous and ongoing dialogue with the world around you. It is with respect to this tradition that I’m paraphrasing William Gallacher’s words on anti-semtism here for you to read, and to disprove the lie that the totality of socialist thought is nothing but scripture enforced by propaganda and coercion.

He begins by highlighting the outrageous contradiction which is the hallmark of anti-semitism.

“But the Jews are all Communists!” Ah, I wish it were so. Only a small minority have so far made their way into the Communist Party. We would like more of them, all we can get, as of Scots, Welsh, English and all the rest.

No sooner has this wild yelling died down than it starts up again, this time on an entirely different tune. “All Jews are capitalists!”. So they get it both ways. Such childish nonsense wouldn’t be listened to in relation to any other people. The natural outcome of class relationships affect Jew and Gentile alike.

“But look at the money they spend, their blatant extravagance!” and then again “See how mean and miserly they are!”. Always the anti-semites have it both ways and upside down.

Gallacher goes on to dissect these arguments in greater detail, with reference to the prevailing issues of the day – particularly around war profiteering, black markets and representation in the armed forces. He reminds us that instead of looking for an imagined cabal of Jews hiding behind the curtains of power, you might be better off considering how fantastically over represented Jews have always been within the forces of anti-fascism. Of the 2500 men that went to fight fascism in Spain, roughly 300 were Jewish, and a staggering 12% of Britain’s Jewish population took up arms to fight Hitler.


Jews, like all people, are subject to the forces of class. But just it would be laughable to hold the existence of a corrupt Scottish banker against the Scots, so it is madness to see the position of one Jewish person or another as emblematic of anything other than the general organisation of society. He reminds us that when Jews are conspicuous by their difference it is always, repeat always, because of the methods of survival they have had to adopt against exclusion and persecution.

“But the Jews control finance, and through the control of finance do this, that and the other!”. If every Jew disappeared from this country tomorrow, it wouldn’t make one difference to the relationship between financiers, industrialists and the great masses of the workers.

Many who would fight gladly against the attacks of big business fall for anti-semitism, and thereby open the gates to their enemies. Anti-semitism is the trick by which people are persuaded to tie the rope around their own necks, to willingly sell themselves into slavery.

It is not a coincidence that Hitler and his ilk used the persecution of Jews as a smokescreen for a much wider attack on the organised working class. While the spectacle of jew-hatred was blinding the eyes of Europe, into the camps he swept Communists, the entire leadership of the Social Democratic Party and many thousands of rank and file Trade Union organisers and shop stewards – leaving the rest of Germany’s workforce vulnerable to open slavery by the Nazi Party and the industrialists who supported them.

Gallacher then proposes that the antidote to anti-semitism is education. Not education in how to “check your privilege” – as the dreary liberals of today so love to foist on you – but education in the principles of economics, from which lessons in unity can be drawn.

Many people cannot understand the mysterious workings of our economic system. Those people who are not socialists find their explanation not in the evils of capitalism, but in the imaginary evils of the Jews. Our world is indeed a difficult world to understand.

On the one hand, mankind has very largely solved the problem of producing food and commodities in sufficient abundance for everybody and yet, on the other hand, our world is one in which both the working class and the middle class experience more insecurity than mankind has experienced for centuries. There seems to be something mysteriously wrong.

Why have we got poverty and hunger, crime and immorality? To all these questions the fascists have one simple answer – the Jews. It isn’t the private ownership of land. The Jews become the scapegoats of the capitalist system.

We can easily see that this is applicable to all kinds of anti-minority prejudice. Gallacher also often references the parallels between Jew-hatred and the persecution directed at Scots and Irish Catholics in Britain in his era. We too can also use our understanding of anti-semitism to spot other forms of bigotry. However, just as Gallacher doesn’t directly conflate the two examples, and discusses in great detail the specific characteristics of anti-semitism, we too should be careful not to conflate various forms of hatred, and make special effort to give them each their own unique appraisal.


Gallacher finishes with an appeal to us all to play our part in stamping out anti-semitism as we find it. Just because the horror of total war is long behind us, there’s no reason not to remind ourselves that this duty remains bestowed upon us to this very day. I’ll leave you with his words:

Every worker must make it his serious individual responsibility to see to it that no anti-Jewish statement is allowed to pass without challenge, and when such a statement is made in innocence, a careful explanation is given of the danger it carries.

By seeing that this foul disease of anti-semitism is stamped out, we can clear a way for the advance of a new chapter in the forward march of Jews and Gentiles to a higher and better life.

Watch the video: Rory Gallagher - A million miles away 1977 (January 2022).